Republican senators introduce bipartisan college sports bill
Senators Maria Cantwell (D-Wash.) and Ted Cruz (R-Texas), along with Senators Eric Schmitt (R-Mo.) and Chris Coons (D-Del.), introduced the Protect College Sports Act of 2026 to protect athletes, preserve competition and bring stability to college sports.
Objective Facts
Senators Maria Cantwell (D-Wash.) and Ted Cruz (R-Texas), along with Senators Eric Schmitt (R-Mo.) and Chris Coons (D-Del.), introduced the Protect College Sports Act of 2026 to protect athletes, preserve competition and bring stability to college sports. The Protect College Sports Act would provide the NCAA with an antitrust exemption to enforce several rules that have been challenged in court in recent years. Those rules would include limiting athletes to transferring schools only one time without penalty, limiting athlete eligibility to a maximum of five years, prohibiting former professional athletes from playing in college, and prohibiting schools from poaching a coach from another school during their sport's season. The bill would create an agent registry limiting fees to 5%, permit the pooling of media rights, and bar coaches from leaving their team before the season ends. The Cruz and Cantwell effort might have the best chance of passing of any effort to date. Next comes a months-long process of gaining enough support for passage in a divided U.S. Congress at a divisive time in America.
Left-Leaning Perspective
Senator Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) immediately criticized the bill in a news release, arguing "It gives the NCAA an antitrust exemption that no other industry gets just so they can keep underpaying the athletes," and contending that while "there are some good things for players in this bill, this seems like a great deal for the NCAA and the rich guys who run college sports, and a bad deal for athletes." The Protect College Sports Act conspicuously doesn't take a stance on athlete employment, and already has two Democratic sponsors in Cantwell and Senator Chris Coons (D-DE), suggesting there's a good chance at least two Democrats are willing to vote for it. Some Democrats were reluctant to support the earlier SCORE Act because it prohibited college athletes from being classified as employees, but the new bill takes a neutral stance on employment; however, Cantwell's reasoning that "when you've got thousands of athletes being cut, hundreds of programs being cut, the risk to the whole infrastructure was too high to not try to get better predictability" reflects a focus on stability over expanded athlete compensation rights that concerns progressive Democrats who prioritize player earning potential.
Right-Leaning Perspective
Senator Ted Cruz declared "College sports are at a breaking point" with "Fans can see their favorite teams being hollowed out by transfer chaos, fake NIL bidding wars, eligibility lawsuits, and a system that allows the richest programs to keep pulling away," arguing the bill "is a bipartisan plan to restore order" while still allowing "student athletes profit from their name, image, and likeness." SEC Commissioner Greg Sankey, the most prominent power-conference voice, signaled resistance by stating he made his position clear that "we need the SBA" (Sports Broadcasting Act amendment), and in response to questions about whose voices shaped the bill, replied only: "I think that bill speaks to some of the voices of influence other than ours." The Big Ten and SEC jointly dispute the bill's economic assumptions, writing in response to pooling proposals that such claims "are not supported by any empirical evidence" and warning the model would create "a dangerously unworkable" structure that introduces "new legal and operational risks."
Deep Dive
The Protect College Sports Act represents a culmination of over a decade of failed legislative attempts to regulate college athletics. The Senate agreement marks a historic moment in college leaders' seven-year lobbying effort on Capitol Hill to bring stability to a landscape that grew unregulated through their slow resistance to change, after court rulings cratered the NCAA's archaic amateurism framework. The bill's core bargain—antitrust protection for the NCAA in exchange for athlete protections—reflects genuine compromise on multiple fronts. Each lawmaker compromised on key issues: Cruz backed off on a rigid anti-employment concept and Cantwell acquiesced on the one-time transfer policy. However, critical fault lines remain. The SEC and Big Ten did not endorse the bill, with the antitrust-safe-harbor provisions for media rights pooling and prohibitions on conference mergers that would make a breakaway by these two conferences structurally illegal being apparent deal-breakers. The timeline pressure is significant: the timeline for the bill in Washington is tight as it needs 60 Senate votes (the SCORE Act could not achieve this), Congress enters summer recess in August, and legislators will be in campaign mode before midterm elections. What each side gets right: Republicans and institutional leaders correctly identify the chaos in athlete compensation and unlimited transfers as destabilizing. Left-leaning critics correctly note that antitrust exemptions historically favor institutional power and may constrain athlete leverage in future negotiations. What they omit: Right-leaning voices downplay how transfer restrictions and employment-status neutrality may reduce athlete negotiating power long-term. Progressive critics acknowledge less the genuine coordination problems that unlimited transfers create for non-revenue sports. The unresolved question is whether the bill's framework, which gives the NCAA enforcement tools in exchange for codified athlete protections, ultimately empowers athletes through regulatory certainty or constrains them through rules that protect institutional interests.