Supreme Court grants Trump power to fire independent agency commissioners

Supreme Court overturns 91-year-old precedent, ruling 6-3 that Trump can fire FTC Commissioner Rebecca Slaughter without cause, dramatically expanding presidential power over independent agencies.

Objective Facts

In a 6-3 ruling, the court found that President Trump's March 2025 firing of Federal Trade Commissioner Rebecca Kelly Slaughter without cause was lawful. Slaughter was presented with no such reason for her removal, only told her "continued service on the FTC is inconsistent with [the Trump] Administration's priorities." Since its creation of the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) in 1914, Congress has held that commissioners can only be fired for "inefficiency, neglect of duty or malfeasance in office." The Supreme Court overruled 91 years of precedent that allowed Congress to insulate certain executive branch officials with firing protections, and formally overturns the high court's 1935 landmark decision, Humphrey's Executor v. United States. The logic of the decision extends to other agencies, including the National Labor Relations Board, the Merit Systems Protection Board and the Consumer Product Safety Commission, where Trump also has fired board members.

Left-Leaning Perspective

Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in her 49-page dissent, wrote that "the majority replaces 90 years of proven, workable practice with a half-baked theory of executive power that is simultaneously all encompassing yet also subject to necessary but undefined exceptions," predicting "chaos will follow." Senator Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) stated, "The Supreme Court just overturned well-established precedent to greenlight Donald Trump's threats to independent federal agencies." Rebecca Slaughter herself warned that "the consequences of this ruling will be felt by every American" and that "Today's ruling makes it possible for presidents to fire watchdogs who won't put politics over principle, and replace them with lapdogs."

Right-Leaning Perspective

The conservative majority cast the decision as returning the presidency to its proper form, with Chief Justice John Roberts saying Trump's expansive firing power is by design because "When power is exercised well, the people know whom to thank; when power is exercised poorly, they know whom to blame—and whom to fire." City Journal conservative analyst argued "That's a unitary, not an imperial, presidency, and it's a hallmark of republican government," noting the president "remains constrained by statutes, appropriations, courts, Congress, elections, and the Constitution itself," and that "if the people dislike how the FTC enforces the law, they should be able to blame—and replace—the president."

Deep Dive

Humphrey's Executor dates back to President Franklin D. Roosevelt's tenure, when Roosevelt fired an FTC commissioner in 1933 who had been appointed by President Herbert Hoover; the Supreme Court unanimously agreed at the time that his dismissal was improper. Part of the goal of the conservative political initiative Project 2025, which supported the second term of President Donald Trump, was to overturn Humphrey's Executor. During Trump's first term, the Supreme Court had already chipped away at the precedent when it let Trump fire the head of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau because the CFPB is run by a single director; Chief Justice Roberts then described Humphrey's Executor as applying only to multimember agencies that do not wield substantial executive power, and with the latest decision, the conservative majority has found reason to give the president power over multimember agencies too. In the majority opinion, Roberts pointed out that the FTC in its present state enforces and administers some 80 statutes that cover nearly every facet of the economy, stating that "The tasks it undertakes are 'the very essence of 'execution' of the law.'" Sotomayor's core argument was that "the majority replaces 90 years of proven, workable practice with a half-baked theory of executive power that is simultaneously all encompassing yet also subject to necessary but undefined exceptions." The right views this as restoring proper constitutional separation of powers by ensuring all executive power flows through an accountable president; the left views it as dismantling congressional checks on presidential power and creating space for political capture of regulatory bodies designed to operate at arm's length from partisan politics. The ruling's immediate implications extend to roughly two dozen multimember agencies across the government, including the National Labor Relations Board, the Merit Systems Protection Board, and the Consumer Product Safety Commission. The practical upshot is that the members of dozens of commission-style agencies likely now serve at the pleasure of the President, providing the President with a powerful tool to impose policy priorities. Conservative groups have spent years planning by conservative groups to overrule Humphrey's Executor as part of the unitary executive project. What remains unresolved is how far the logic extends—whether judges, central banks, or military officers might also be subject to at-will removal, questions the Court indicated it would address separately.

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Supreme Court grants Trump power to fire independent agency commissioners

Supreme Court overturns 91-year-old precedent, ruling 6-3 that Trump can fire FTC Commissioner Rebecca Slaughter without cause, dramatically expanding presidential power over independent agencies.

Jun 29, 2026· Updated Jul 6, 2026
What's Going On
  • The Court's conservative majority voted 6-3 to uphold President Donald Trump's decision to fire Rebecca Slaughter, a Democratic commissioner on the Federal Trade Commission who was removed from her position because he said her views didn't align with his agenda.
  • The Supreme Court formally overturns the high court's 1935 landmark decision, Humphrey's Executor v. United States, which laid the groundwork for certain agencies across the executive branch to enjoy a degree of independence from the White House.
  • The logic of the decision extends to other agencies, including the National Labor Relations Board, the Merit Systems Protection Board and the Consumer Product Safety Commission, and stands to impact roughly two dozen multimember agencies across the government.
  • However, the justices carved out an exception for the Federal Reserve, where it ruled Trump did not have authority to remove Lisa Cook from the central bank.
  • No president before Trump had sought to wrest control of the agencies that regulate wide swaths of American life, including nuclear energy, product safety and labor relations.
Far Left: The Court overturned 90 years of precedent to give Trump dictatorial power over the regulatory machinery of the US government.
Left: Sotomayor argued the court "discards the democratic regime in favor of one that distorts the structure of Government to fit the majority's theory of unitary, total executive control," resulting in "a President who emerges with far greater power than ever before."
Moderate: The decision allows Trump to fire Federal Trade Commission member Rebecca Slaughter and accomplishes legal conservatives' long-sought goal by casting aside 91 years of precedent.
Right: Chief Justice Roberts wrote for the majority that "neither Congress nor the courts may saddle him with those with whom he cannot work" and "Subordinates who exercise the President's power are subject to removal by him."
Far Right: Solicitor General D. John Sauer told the court that Humphrey's Executor was an "indefensible outlier" and a "decaying husk" that must be overruled.
✓ Common Ground
Some voices across the spectrum acknowledge that no president before Trump had actually sought to use at-will removal power over these agencies.
Both the majority and dissenters agreed the Federal Reserve should receive different treatment, with the Court carving out an exception for Fed removal protections.
Even Justice Gorsuch, who joined the majority, acknowledged the decision simply "reallocates the power Congress poured into independent agencies" rather than resolving all structural questions about the administrative state.
◆ All Sources (12)
The Hill - 5 takeaways on divided day for Donald Trump at Supreme CourtCBS News - Supreme Court expands presidential firing power, overturning 90-year-old rulingSCOTUSblog - Supreme Court allows Trump to fire FTC commissioner and overturns major restraint on presidential powerNPR - Supreme Court cements Trump's power over agencies long considered independentThe Hill - Sotomayor decries Supreme Court presidential power rulingCNBC - Supreme Court lets presidents fire independent regulatorsCity Journal - Trump v Slaughter: Supreme Court Strikes Down Humphrey's ExecutorWashington Examiner - Supreme Court expands Trump's power to fire officials at independent agenciesGovernment Executive - Slaughter and the expansion of presidential powerPaul Krugman, Substack - A Verdict on (the) SlaughterWikipedia - Trump v. SlaughterCNN - Supreme Court expands Trump's power to fire independent agency officials
Objective Deep Dive

Humphrey's Executor dates back to President Franklin D. Roosevelt's tenure, when Roosevelt fired an FTC commissioner in 1933 who had been appointed by President Herbert Hoover; the Supreme Court unanimously agreed at the time that his dismissal was improper. Part of the goal of the conservative political initiative Project 2025, which supported the second term of President Donald Trump, was to overturn Humphrey's Executor. During Trump's first term, the Supreme Court had already chipped away at the precedent when it let Trump fire the head of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau because the CFPB is run by a single director; Chief Justice Roberts then described Humphrey's Executor as applying only to multimember agencies that do not wield substantial executive power, and with the latest decision, the conservative majority has found reason to give the president power over multimember agencies too.

In the majority opinion, Roberts pointed out that the FTC in its present state enforces and administers some 80 statutes that cover nearly every facet of the economy, stating that "The tasks it undertakes are 'the very essence of 'execution' of the law.'" Sotomayor's core argument was that "the majority replaces 90 years of proven, workable practice with a half-baked theory of executive power that is simultaneously all encompassing yet also subject to necessary but undefined exceptions." The right views this as restoring proper constitutional separation of powers by ensuring all executive power flows through an accountable president; the left views it as dismantling congressional checks on presidential power and creating space for political capture of regulatory bodies designed to operate at arm's length from partisan politics.

The ruling's immediate implications extend to roughly two dozen multimember agencies across the government, including the National Labor Relations Board, the Merit Systems Protection Board, and the Consumer Product Safety Commission. The practical upshot is that the members of dozens of commission-style agencies likely now serve at the pleasure of the President, providing the President with a powerful tool to impose policy priorities. Conservative groups have spent years planning by conservative groups to overrule Humphrey's Executor as part of the unitary executive project. What remains unresolved is how far the logic extends—whether judges, central banks, or military officers might also be subject to at-will removal, questions the Court indicated it would address separately.

◈ Tone Comparison

The liberal dissent used stark constitutional language about powers "unknown even to the English Crown," while the conservative majority emphasized civic accountability—Roberts: "When power is exercised well, the people know whom to thank; when power is exercised poorly, they know whom to blame." The left characterized the ruling as handing Trump "dictatorial power," while the right described it as restoring "an old-fashioned constitutional idea."